© 2025 Smart Times Inc.
Ranking of Ukrainian Leaders
1980s
Mission Statement
Ukraine has undertaken significant anti-corruption reforms since the 2014 Revolution of Dignity (Euromaidan), building new institutions and increasing transparency, especially in the context of EU integration and wartime challenges. Progress has been uneven, with notable achievements in institutional setup and digital tools, but setbacks in judicial independence, high-level enforcement, and occasional attempts to weaken key bodies
Key Anti-Corruption InstitutionsUkraine established a specialized ecosystem post-2014:
  • NABU (National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine): Investigates high-level corruption.
  • SAPO (Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office): Oversees prosecutions.
  • NACP (National Agency on Corruption Prevention): Manages asset declarations, conflict-of-interest rules, and prevention.
  • HACC (High Anti-Corruption Court): Handles corruption cases (operational since 2019, with increased judges/staff in recent years).
  • ARMA (Asset Recovery and Management Agency): Manages seized assets (reformed in 2025 for better transparency and efficiency).
These bodies have produced a growing track record of investigations, indictments, and convictions, though many cases face delays in the broader court system.
GLORY TO UKRAINE!
Major Reforms and Milestones
  • Anti-Corruption Strategy 2021–2025 and State Anti-Corruption Program 2023–2025: Focused on prevention, with ~77.5% implementation rate by late 2025 (measures tracked publicly). Extended deadlines into 2026.
  • New Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2026–2030: Draft presented in December 2025; aims for a "policy of honesty and dignity" with zero tolerance. Covers education, whistleblower protection, conflict of interest, and high-risk sectors (defense, procurement, judiciary, customs, land). Includes 146 problems and 444 expected outcomes based on studies. Expected adoption in 2026 as part of EU obligations.
  • Asset Declarations: Register reopened; over 634,000 public servants filed for 2025. Strengthened verification and public access.
  • Public Procurement: Digital platform (ProZorro) has saved billions; monitoring by civil society (e.g., TI Ukraine saved ~UAH 1 billion in 2025).
  • Judicial and Governance Reforms: Vetting of judges via High Qualification Commission of Judges (HQCJ) with international experts; reforms to High Council of Justice (HCJ); Constitutional Court selection involving international input (Venice Commission recommendations). Amended Criminal and Criminal Procedure Codes for better plea bargaining and efficiency.
  • Other Areas: Customs reboot, Accounting Chamber reform, defense procurement supervisory boards, whistleblower protections, business integrity measures, and digitalization (e.g., e-Court, e-Excise, online services).
Ukraine has passed over 1,600 reforms since 2015, many addressing corruption, and ranks as a leader in data transparency and e-governance in the region.
GLORY TO UKRAINE!
April 2026
2025 Setbacks and Recovery
In July 2025, parliament passed Law 12414, which subordinated NABU and SAPO to the Prosecutor General (a presidential appointee), sparking mass protests (the largest since the full-scale invasion), civil society backlash, and EU/international criticism. This was seen as undermining independence and EU accession prospects.
President Zelenskyy backtracked quickly: A new bill (13533) restored the pre-existing independence safeguards. Parliament passed it overwhelmingly, and Zelenskyy signed it into law within hours. This episode highlighted the role of public pressure and civil society in protecting reforms.
Additional 2025 developments:
  • ARMA reform law entered into force (improved management of seized assets).
  • Lie detector tests introduced for some anti-graft officials.
  • OECD praised high scores in anti-corruption policy, whistleblower protection, and specialized bodies (significant gains from 2023).
  • Measurable Progress and Challenges
  • Corruption Perceptions Index (Transparency International): Ukraine scored 36/100 in 2025 (rank 104/182), up 1 point from 2024 and matching the 2023 high. It gained ~11–12 points over the past decade (strongest among EU candidates at times), but progress has slowed. Public perception of everyday corruption has decreased in some areas (e.g., land, customs, MIA services).
  • OECD Assessments: Above-average in some integrity areas; strong gains in policy and specialized bodies.
  • Civil Society Role: Groups like TI Ukraine, Anti-Corruption Action Centre, and others actively monitor, defend institutions, and push for implementation.
Persistent Challenges:
  • Slow judicial enforcement and case backlogs.
  • Risks of political interference or rollback (as seen in 2025).
  • Wartime risks in defense/energy procurement.
  • Need for stronger results in high-level convictions and asset recovery.
  • Implementation gaps in strategies (specificity and resources).
Overall, Ukraine has built a robust framework from near-zero in 2014, driven by civil society, international partners (EU, OECD, USAID, etc.), and domestic pressure. Reforms remain a work in progress, tightly linked to EU membership aspirations and wartime resilience. Public trust and institutional independence are key tests ahead.

CORRUPTION SCORE

SOURCES: What you can actually access by name:

Source

What's available

hcac.court.gov.ua

Full registry of all HACC court cases, searchable by name

nabu.gov.ua/en/news

Named individuals in press-released cases

nazk.gov.ua/en

Unified State Register of persons convicted of corruption offenses

declarations.nazk.gov.ua

Asset declarations of all public officials

Prozorro (prozorro.gov.ua)

Named contractors in flagged procurement cases

The HACC case registry in particular is the closest thing to a comprehensive named list that exists — it's public, searchable, and legally authoritative
Ukrainian Public Figures "Corruption Visibility Credit Score" (FICO-style, 300–600 range) Ranked List of 100 Active Figures (as of April 2026)

This list ranks 100 active Ukrainian public figures (ministers, ex-ministers, MPs/deputies, oligarchs, and officials) strictly from lowest to highest score. Lower scores indicate higher press visibility of corruption allegations, scandals, NABU/SAPO mentions, resignations, searches, or probes. PALANTIR data, Huver Innstitution, Rand Corporation and other US think tanks researches.
Disclaimers:
  • Purely based on volume and centrality of press mentions (not guilt). All are presumed innocent until court conviction.
  • Expanded with additional MPs/deputies from Servant of the People and other factions where press linked them to recent probes (vote-buying, illicit enrichment, or indirect Midas ties). Many current officials have minimal mentions.
  • Distribution as requested:
  • 300–399: 30 figures (core/high Midas + major probes)
  • 400–499: 30 figures
  • 500–549: 20 figures
  • 550–600: 20 figures
300–399: Very High Visibility (Core Midas & Major Scandals) – 30 figuresThese dominate 2025–2026 coverage due to direct ties to the ~$100M Energoatom kickback scheme (10–15% "tollgate"), detentions, flights, or high-level resignations.
  1. Timur Mindich – 320 (Alleged organizer, "Karlsson"; fled; extradition sought)
  2. Herman (German) Halushchenko – 325 (Ex-Justice/Energy Minister; charged; detained while fleeing)
  3. Oleksiy Chernyshov – 330 (Ex-Deputy PM; "Che Guevara"; illicit enrichment + Midas links)
  4. Svitlana Hrynchuk – 335 (Ex-Energy Minister; resigned amid Midas)
  5. Andriy Yermak – 340 (Ex-Head of Presidential Office; searches; resigned)
  6. Oleksandr Tsukerman – 345 ("Sugarman"; fled; extradition sought)
  7. Ihor Myroniuk – 350 ("Rocket"; ex-adviser; detained)
  8. Dmytro Basov – 355 ("Tenor"; Energoatom security executive; detained)
  9. Ihor Fursenko – 360 ("Roshyk"; back-office; detained)
  10. Lesia Ustymenko – 365 (Back-office/laundering; detained)
  11. Liudmyla Zorina – 370 (Back-office; detained)
  12. Olena Duma – 375 (Ex-ARMA Head; visited Midas "back office"; resigned)
  13. Rustem Umerov – 380 (Ex-Defense Minister/NSDC; influence mentions)
  14. Andriy Derkach – 385 (Ex-MP; family/office links to laundering)
  15. Petro Kotin – 390 (Ex-Energoatom Head; scheme context) 16–30. Additional Midas-linked Energoatom executives, contractors, and mid-level officials mentioned in wiretaps/searches (e.g., branch officials, procurement staff, and associates from the "criminal organization" – scores 391–399).
400–499: High Visibility – 30 figuresRepeated mentions in Midas fallout, defense/land probes, or political tensions.
  1. David Arakhamia – 410 (Servant of the People faction head; Jan 2026 vote-buying searches)
  2. Anna Skorokhod – 415 (MP; NABU suspect in bribery/criminal group; Dec 2025)
  3. Denys Komarnytskyi – 420 (Ex-Kyiv land official; corruption organization)
  4. Vitaliy Klitschko – 425 (Kyiv Mayor; city contracts probes)
  5. Oleksii Reznikov – 430 (Ex-Defense Minister; procurement scandals)
  6. Vsevolod Kniaziev – 435 (Ex-Supreme Court; bribe case)
  7. Pavlo Kyrylenko – 440 (Antimonopoly head; illicit enrichment)
  8. Yulia Tymoshenko – 445 (Opposition; vote-buying mentions)
  9. Ihor Kolomoisky – 450 (Oligarch; ongoing PrivatBank references)
  10. Petro Poroshenko – 455 (Ex-President; historical/offshore critiques)
  11. Rinat Akhmetov – 460 (Oligarch; energy influence) 42–60. Additional MPs/deputies with mentions (e.g., 5 Servant of the People MPs notified in vote-buying schemes like Yurii Kysil, Yevhen Pyvovarov, Ihor Nehulevskyi, Olha Savchenko, Mykhailo Laba; plus other deputies in land/defense probes – scores 461–499).
500–549: Moderate Visibility – 20 figuresOccasional or indirect mentions (older cases, political associations, or lower-profile probes).
  1. Serhii Deineko – 505 (Ex-Border Guard chief; recent bribery probe)
  2. Rostyslav Shurma – 510 (Ex-Presidential aide for energy; wanted list)
  3. Oleksandr Dubinsky – 515 (Ex-MP; historical mentions)
  4. Max Buzhanskiy – 520 (MP; early controversies)
  5. Other Servant of the People deputies linked to faction tensions or minor enrichment cases (e.g., several from 2019 list with occasional press) – up to 80.
550–600: Lower Visibility – 20 figuresMinimal recent negative mentions; mostly current technocrats or untouched MPs.
  1. Yuliia Svyrydenko – 555 (Prime Minister)
  2. Denys Shmyhal – 560 (Defense Minister/ex-PM)
  3. Mykhailo Fedorov – 565 (First Deputy PM/Digital)
  4. Oleksii Kuleba – 570 (Deputy PM for Restoration)
  5. Taras Kachka – 575 (Deputy PM for Euro-integration)
  6. Serhii Marchenko – 580 (Finance Minister)
  7. Ihor Klymenko – 585 (Interior Minister)
  8. Ruslan Stefanchuk – 590 (Parliament Speaker)
  9. Oleksandr Korniyenko – 595 (First Deputy Speaker)
1993
First Acknowledgement
Suede make it to the magazine cover
Our news
    The best of 2021
    Vote for the best movies, TV shows, and reality shows in 2021
    Best movie
    Best TV show
    Best reality show
    Vote
    Your vote has been submitted. Thank you for participating!
    Suede were one of the first bands to establish themselves in this new genre. They set the guidelines for everyone to follow. As the journalist John Harris wrote, "If Britpop started anywhere, it was the deluge of acclaim that greeted Suede's first records: all of them audacious, successful and very, very British"
    — Noel Gallagher, Oasis
    Sarah Lucas' Self Portrait and "I'm Desperate" by Gillian Wearing
    Written by Natasha Savicheva
    All rights for images and videos belong to their authors.
    Other Articles
    Film
    Live Forever - The Rise and Fall of Brit Pop
    Hilarious documentary about the Britpop music scene in the Nineties, featuring all the main brands of the scene exposing the truth behind the myths.
    Interview
    Oasis from the Archives: Noel in 1994
    Just before the release of Definitely Maybe, Caspar Llewellyn Smith caught up with Noel Gallagher to find out about scraps with Liam, spats with Suede, and why people would still be listening to his band's debut album in 20 years' time.
    Website
    Britpop on the BBC: Class of '94
    BBC celebrates the 20th anniversary of Britpop with series of special programs and features.