Ukraine receives more American foreign aid, defense assistance, and reconstruction investment than any country outside Europe in generations. The decisions shaping that engagement — made by Senate appropriators, USAID program officers, defense contractors, private equity funds, and investigative journalists — all hinge on one deceptively simple question: who, exactly, are we dealing with?
The Ukraine Corruption Risk Index (CRI) was built to answer that question plainly, at scale, and in a language American decision-makers already understand intuitively — the language of credit scoring.
Every American institution — from a community bank in Iowa to Goldman Sachs — operates with an intuitive understanding of the FICO score range: 300 is catastrophic, 850 is pristine, and the bands in between carry recognizable meaning. The CRI borrows that exact 300–850 scale, but inverts its logic for corruption risk: a score of 842 means the individual has the most severe documented risk profile in the dataset — like a borrower who has defaulted on every obligation. A score of 310 means minimal documented exposure.
This framing lets a Congressional staffer, a Brookings fellow, or a CFO doing diligence on a Ukrainian reconstruction contract apply an already-internalized risk framework — without needing a crash course in Kyiv's institutional landscape.
Each score is a weighted composite of five independent evidence streams: formal charges or convictions before the High Anti-Corruption Court (HACC); active NABU/SAPO investigations and public disclosures; US Treasury OFAC and State Department sanctions, and EU autonomous sanctions; credible allegations in major international and Ukrainian press (Reuters, NYT, WSJ, WaPo, Kyiv Independent, Ukrainska Pravda); and documented NABU/SAPO search activity. Flags mark individuals who are formally charged (★) or sanctioned by the US or EU (⚑). No score is a legal finding. The index is an analytical tool, not a court.
The CRI does not operate in a vacuum. It is calibrated against the architecture of official US and EU anti-corruption accountability — the same frameworks that determine whether individuals are sanctioned, extradited, or barred from US financial markets.
On the American side, the primary instruments are US Treasury OFAC sanctions (Executive Order 13661/13662 and the Global Magnitsky Act), State Department visa bans under Section 7031(c), and DOJ prosecutions for money laundering and FCPA violations. USAID's anti-corruption conditionality in aid programming and the State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons and narco-certification reports provide additional accountability signals. The CRI incorporates all of these as hard evidence inputs.
On the EU side, the index tracks autonomous EU sanctions, OLAF (European Anti-Fraud Office) referrals, and the European Parliament's monitoring of Ukraine's compliance with anti-corruption benchmarks under the EU accession framework — formally through Chapters 23 and 24, which cover judiciary, fundamental rights, and justice. Ukraine's EU candidate status since June 2022 means these benchmarks carry legal and financial consequences for the country's reform trajectory.
The CRI draws on public reporting and analytical frameworks developed by leading American and international policy institutions. Primary analytical references include the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Kyiv office), the Brookings Institution (Ukraine policy program), the Atlantic Council (Eurasia Center and Digital Forensic Research Lab), CSIS (Center for Strategic and International Studies), the Wilson Center (Kennan Institute), and the National Endowment for Democracy. In Ukraine, the primary civil society reference organizations are the Anti-Corruption Action Centre (AntAC), Transparency International Ukraine, and the Reanimation Package of Reforms coalition.
The Corruption Risk Index publishes monthly, typically in the first week of each month, reflecting the previous month's court proceedings, NABU/SAPO disclosures, sanctions designations, and major press developments. CRI v6 will publish in May 2026 and will incorporate score revisions for figures affected by the Law 12414 reversal, updated HACC verdicts, and any new OFAC or EU sanctions from April. Organizations wishing to receive advance briefings or discuss analytical partnership should contact partnership@smarttimes.net.
300 = lowest risk · 850 = highest risk. Scale mirrors US FICO 300–850 for American audience intuition — higher score means more corruption-risk press mentions and investigation exposure. Based on NABU/SAPO investigations, US/EU sanctions, court records, and major press reporting through April 2026. Active figures only. Not a legal finding; no score implies guilt.
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